

Health insurance drug expenditure is calculated by multiplying the reimbursement price by the prescription and utilization volume. No matter how much the government repeatedly lowers drug prices, it is difficult to achieve the policy goal of reducing pharmaceutical expenditure or rationally managing the health insurance budget unless physicians’ prescribing behavior and real-world usage are also controlled.
In other words, even if the government lowers the generic pricing rate from 53.55% to 45% (a reduction of about 8.55 percentage points), failure to control prescription and utilization volume could paradoxically lead to higher drug spending than before the price cuts.
If not handled carefully, this could lead to a worst-case scenario where the price cut creates an environment in which generics of lower quality than in the past are produced, while at the same time, some companies intensify their efforts to offer illegal rebates to increase prescription volumes in an attempt to mitigate the shock of price cuts.
This is why, on the 27th, academia and the pharmaceutical industry urged the Ministry of Health and Welfare not to focus solely on the reform plan for generic drug price cuts, but to establish mechanisms to reasonably control prescription volumes.
Academia “Government must lead generic competition through policies such as mandatory lowest-price substitution”
Academia argues that attempting to reduce health insurance expenditure through price cuts alone without addressing volume control is fundamentally misguided.
In particular, the prevailing view among academics is that while the Ministry’s efforts are needed to create an environment where pharmaceutical companies can compete to dominate the market through “low-cost generic” strategies, its repeated exclusion of this aspect is ultimately reinforcing an industry structure that leaves companies with no choice but to generate sales through illegal rebate competition.
Criticism has been raised that the Ministry has virtually no plans for policies designed to enable low-cost generics to gain a competitive edge in the market, such as promoting the substitution of the lowest-priced generics, establishing a competitive landscape for generics based on international nonproprietary name prescriptions, or shifting the environment for generic selection through a Korean-style reference pricing system.
Health economists emphasize that once bioequivalence is established, generics should be allowed to compete solely on price.
Professor Hye-young Kwon of Mokwon University stated, “The conflict between the industry and the government over the generic drug pricing rate is meaningless. If drug prices fall, companies are more likely to increase prescription volume through rebates, which may maintain or even increase overall drug spending. Ultimately, cheaper generics must be prescribed more and sold more in order to achieve both health insurance savings and pharmaceutical industry development.”
Professor Kwon added, "The Ministry of Health and Welfare must devise administrative measures to create a competitive market where pharmaceutical companies that lower prices the most for each ingredient dominate the market. A pharmaceutical company that wins on price in the domestic market has a good chance of succeeding in the global market as well. The government must work with doctors and patients to devise policies such as mandating the substitution of the lowest-priced generic, using the cheapest drug as a reference price, and providing incentives when that drug is used, or imposing disincentives when more expensive generics or originals are used.”
She emphasized, “If we establish a generic price competition policy that goes beyond the government and pharmaceutical companies to include doctors, pharmacists, and patients, pharmacists and patients will be able to intervene in the decision-making process to ensure cheaper drugs are used, even if a doctor unilaterally prescribes a specific drug This would allow rationalization of health insurance finances without excluding physicians’ clinical judgment. The government needs to make a decisive move and establish the necessary framework.”
Professor Seung-jin Bae of Ewha Womans University College of Pharmacy also believes that the Ministry of Health and Welfare has not given sufficient consideration to usage policies beyond generic price adjustment policies. In particular, the professor stated that administrative measures by the Ministry are needed to address the current reality where doctors are bound to brand-name prescriptions despite the government recognizing generics as therapeutically equivalent.
Specifically, Bae suggested activating lowest-price substitution or implementing INN prescribing to enable genuine price competition among generics.
Bae said, “We need policies that allow cheaper generics to expand market share. The issue of brand-name prescribing must be addressed first. It makes no sense for the government to acknowledge bioequivalence and still tolerate brand-name prescribing practices.”
Bae emphasized, “We should not view this (the development of health insurance cost-saving policies) as a conflict between professions. Instead, we must consider measures such as substituting the lowest-priced generic to allow the market for chemical generics to be organized through price competition. Korea’s health insurance resources are not unlimited. In the case of biosimilars, there may be differing opinions regarding INN prescribing or substitution. However, for chemical drugs, we must take a more proactive approach from the perspective of health insurance finances.”
The domestic pharmaceutical industry also maintains that, alongside price cuts, addressing physician prescribing behavior and patient overuse is essential to achieving effective cost savings. If the government pays attention to volume control, it could move away from its current administrative pattern of repeatedly relying on price cuts.
An official from a leading domestic pharmaceutical company pointed out, “The government establishes policies claiming it will reduce drug costs, maintain generic drug quality, ensure a stable supply of medicines, develop innovative new drugs, and foster robust pharmaceutical companies, all within limited health insurance funds, but the conclusion always boils down to drug price cuts. It is time to consider the root causes of why we face criticism that medical institutions prescribe more drugs than necessary and why pharmaceutical companies are forced to boost sales through rebate competition.”
“If we merely suppress drug prices while neglecting the increase in usage, we cannot achieve fiscal savings. If we only cut drug prices, companies will find it difficult to avoid decisions such as increasing prescriptions for their own drugs through aggressive marketing using CSOs, or producing and supplying low-quality generics by cutting costs and reducing employment.”
Calls grow for governance involving government, industry, and academia in drug pricing policy
Whenever drug price reduction reform plans are discussed, some in the pharmaceutical industry offer a self-deprecating assessment that “pharmaceutical companies are always in the position of the weakest party.”
This reflects the reality that pharmaceutical companies find it difficult to openly and freely express their opinions or arguments, as they must constantly gauge the reactions of both the Ministry of Health and Welfare, which seeks to lower drug prices, and doctors, who hold the power to prescribe medications.
Accordingly, the pharmaceutical industry is requesting that, starting with this drug pricing system reform proposal, a governance structure be established where government agencies, the pharmaceutical industry, and academia can discuss and design drug pricing policies together.
The intent is to ensure that the pharmaceutical industry is granted the authority to participate in the decision-making structure for establishing drug pricing policies, including drug price reductions and revisions to post-approval drug price management systems, both administratively and legally.
In the recent reform process, since the Ministry’s proposal was announced on November 28 last year, the pharmaceutical industry has been limited to merely proposing amendments and improvements to the Ministry’s draft, rather than actively voicing its own opinions, from the time the Ministry’s revised proposal was submitted to the subcommittee of the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee on March 11 of this year until its final approval at the plenary session on the 26th.
In particular, since the Ministry’s proposal was not made public until just before it was reported to the HIPDC, submitted to the subcommittee, and finally approved at the plenary session, pharmaceutical companies’ drug pricing officials had no choice but to work tirelessly trying to interpret the government’s intentions.
In contrast, advanced countries overseas guarantee the pharmaceutical industry’s right to submit opinions on the direction, implementation timeline, and detailed regulations of drug pricing system reform proposals through mandatory agreements or legal commitments at the executive and industry levels.
France operates under a framework agreement between CEPS and the pharmaceutical industry association, while the UK mandates stakeholder participation in pricing and reimbursement reforms through NHS England and the Department of Health.
Japan also determines pricing through the Central Social Insurance Medical Council under the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare.
An official from a mid-sized pharmaceutical company stated, “This drug price reform should serve as an opportunity to prepare various measures for establishing public-private consultative governance and to submit industry-level opinions to the government and the National Assembly. Even if we cannot exert a substantial influence on the establishment of the system, wouldn’t this create a forum to publicly convey the pharmaceutical industry’s well-founded opinions to the government, academia, and the public?”
Academics have also suggested that improving the operational standards of the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee (HIPDC), which is already run by the government, could ensure transparency in the establishment of the drug pricing system and the national health insurance system.
Professor Bae said, “Regarding the governance of the drug pricing system and national health insurance policies, there is a need to ensure transparency by disclosing meeting minutes and other details discussed within the HIPDC. National health insurance finances and policies are funded using premiums paid by the public. Since the system is funded by public contributions, citizens have the right to know what is discussed during the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee’s proceedings.”
He added, “Ultimately, for everyone to accept the health insurance policies decided by the government, we must improve the process so that it is clear who expressed what opinions at the committee, rather than suddenly bringing items to a vote as is currently done. Creating additional consultative bodies outside the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee framework risks creating unnecessary layers of bureaucracy.”
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